Project – Digital Hustle Culture and the Transformation of Youth Livelihood Strategies in Urban Nigeria. A Study of Yaba and Surulere, Lagos State
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
The transition from an industrial and predominantly formal employment system towards a digitally mediated economy has significantly altered the ways in which people search for work, generate income and construct their livelihoods. Across many societies, employment is increasingly organized through digital technologies, online platforms, social media networks and flexible forms of contractual engagement. Digital labour platforms now connect clients and workers across geographical boundaries, while location-based platforms facilitate activities such as transportation, delivery, domestic services and other forms of on-demand work. The International Labour Organization (ILO) identifies the emergence of digital labour platforms as one of the major transformations of the contemporary world of work, noting that such platforms have created new opportunities while simultaneously raising concerns about pay, work intensity, social protection and work-life balance (Berg et al., 2018).
The transformation is particularly important in developing societies where formal employment opportunities have not expanded sufficiently to absorb growing working-age populations. In such contexts, young people frequently combine different economic activities rather than depending on one conventional occupation. They may engage in salaried employment, online freelancing, social-media marketing, content creation, ride-hailing, food delivery, e-commerce, graphic design, digital advertising, reselling, tutoring, photography, cryptocurrency-related activities and other income-generating practices simultaneously. The result is a livelihood pattern that is increasingly fragmented, flexible and digitally mediated. Olorundare, Olowe and Olorundare (2022), for example, identify digital transformation as an important force reshaping employment possibilities for Nigerian youths and argue that internet connectivity and digital platforms have expanded the possibilities for executing and delivering work beyond traditional workplaces.
Nigeria provides an important setting for understanding this transformation because of its large youthful population, substantial informal economy, expanding digital infrastructure and persistent difficulties associated with formal employment. The country’s labour market has historically been characterized by a substantial informal sector, self-employment and multiple forms of livelihood diversification. Akinwale (2012), in a study of Lagos State, demonstrated that the informal sector serves as an important source of employment and livelihood for large numbers of Nigerians, particularly where formal employment opportunities are inadequate. His study of informal-sector activities in Lagos showed that informal economic activity can function as an important mechanism through which individuals create employment and sustain livelihoods.
The contemporary situation, however, differs from earlier forms of informal economic activity because digital technologies have become increasingly embedded in the processes of finding customers, advertising products, communicating with clients, receiving payments and organizing work. A young person who previously depended on physical networks to locate customers can now use WhatsApp, Instagram, Facebook, TikTok or other platforms to market products and services to a much larger audience. Similarly, an individual with graphic-design, writing, programming, photography or digital-marketing skills can potentially sell services beyond his or her immediate neighbourhood. Digital technology therefore does not simply introduce new occupations; it also changes how existing occupations are organized.
The concept of digital hustle culture is useful for capturing this emerging orientation towards continuous income-seeking through digital and digitally assisted activities. The term “hustle” has long existed in Nigerian popular culture as a description of entrepreneurial resourcefulness, survival-oriented economic activity and the search for opportunities in difficult economic circumstances. Digitalization has extended this orientation into online spaces. The smartphone, social-media account, digital payment platform and internet connection can function simultaneously as tools of communication, marketing, networking and income generation. Consequently, for some urban youths, the boundary between work, social interaction, leisure and entrepreneurship has become increasingly blurred.
Digital hustle culture should therefore not be understood simply as the use of the internet to make money. It encompasses a broader social orientation in which young people are encouraged or compelled to remain economically active, identify multiple income opportunities, develop marketable digital skills, maintain online visibility and continuously seek clients, customers or opportunities. The cultural dimension is important because the phenomenon involves not only economic behaviour but also changing ideas about success, independence, productivity, adulthood and social status. The contemporary young Nigerian may increasingly be evaluated not solely according to whether he or she has a formal job, but according to perceived ability to “make money,” build a personal brand, own a business, develop a side hustle or demonstrate financial independence.
This transformation can be connected to wider changes in the organization of work. Woodcock and Graham (2019) explain that the gig economy has generated new forms of employment and income generation while simultaneously transferring substantial risks and responsibilities from businesses to workers. Their analysis emphasizes that gig work may offer flexibility and access to opportunities, but workers can also experience insecurity, weak bargaining power and limited protection. The ILO similarly reports that digital labour platforms can create employment opportunities while presenting challenges relating to decent work and the protection of workers.
The implications are particularly significant for young people because the transition from education to stable employment has become more uncertain in many developing economies. The ILO’s Nigeria Youth Country Brief identifies persistent challenges in Nigeria’s youth labour market, including difficulties associated with school-to-work transitions and the quality and availability of employment opportunities (O’Higgins et al., 2024). Earlier ILO and ITU initiatives concerning Nigeria’s digital economy also noted that many young Nigerians were unemployed or underemployed and that a large proportion worked in the informal economy, while emphasizing the potential of digital transformation to create employment and develop youth skills.
Official Nigerian labour-force statistics also demonstrate why alternative livelihood strategies deserve sociological attention. The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) Nigeria Labour Force Survey provides nationally representative information on employment, unemployment and other characteristics of the labour force and continues to document the structure and changing conditions of the Nigerian labour market (NBS, 2024). The significance of these data is that conventional measures of employment may not fully capture the complexity of contemporary livelihood strategies. A young person can simultaneously be classified as employed while depending on irregular income, multiple temporary jobs, self-employment and digital gigs. Consequently, examining employment only in terms of whether a person has a job may conceal important differences in income stability, occupational security, working hours and social protection.
The expansion of digital entrepreneurship in Lagos provides a particularly relevant example. Egunjobi’s study of digital entrepreneurship in Lagos found that information and communication technologies, e-commerce and online training can contribute to employment creation and entrepreneurial opportunities. The study also identified the importance of affordable telecommunications infrastructure and access to digital training in expanding these opportunities (Egunjobi, 2025). This suggests that digital technologies can create livelihood opportunities for young people while also making digital competencies increasingly important in the urban labour market.
Lagos is an especially appropriate location for studying this phenomenon because it is Nigeria’s largest commercial and economic centre and contains a dense concentration of businesses, technology enterprises, financial institutions, creative industries, educational institutions, markets and informal economic activities. The city also has a highly connected youth population and a strong culture of entrepreneurship and self-employment. Within this urban environment, Yaba has acquired particular significance because of its concentration of tertiary institutions, technology-oriented businesses, start-ups, innovation spaces and young professionals. Surulere, on the other hand, represents a diverse urban environment containing residential neighbourhoods, commercial activities, small businesses, creative enterprises and a wide range of informal and formal occupations.
The choice of Yaba and Surulere therefore provides an opportunity to examine digital hustle culture across two interconnected but socially distinctive urban environments. Yaba’s association with technology, education, innovation and start-up activities makes it useful for examining how digital skills and technology-oriented aspirations influence youth livelihoods. Surulere provides an equally important setting because its commercial and residential environment allows the study to examine how digital tools are incorporated into more conventional small businesses, creative activities, service provision and informal economic practices.
The digitalization of livelihoods can also be understood through the concept of livelihood diversification. In conditions of economic uncertainty, households and individuals often diversify their sources of income to reduce dependence on a single activity. Ellis (2000) conceptualizes livelihood diversification as the process through which households construct a portfolio of activities and social support capabilities for survival and improvement in living standards. In the contemporary urban context, digital activities may constitute one element of such a livelihood portfolio. A young person may, for example, combine a salaried job with online sales, freelance design, social-media management or ride-hailing. Another may operate entirely through multiple short-term digital gigs.
Such diversification may produce important benefits. Digital hustle can provide opportunities for self-employment, flexible working arrangements, access to wider markets and the development of transferable skills. Young people who cannot immediately secure conventional employment may use digital platforms to generate income and build experience. Digital entrepreneurship can also enable individuals to start businesses with comparatively low physical infrastructure requirements. In Lagos, where the cost of establishing and maintaining conventional commercial spaces can be considerable, social-media marketing and online commerce may provide alternative routes into entrepreneurship.
However, the expansion of digital hustle culture should not be interpreted exclusively as evidence of empowerment. The same phenomenon may reflect economic vulnerability. Where stable employment is unavailable, young people may be compelled to engage in multiple hustles simply to meet everyday needs. The flexibility associated with gig work may therefore represent freedom for some workers but insecurity for others. Woodcock and Graham (2019) argue that the gig economy can shift economic risks towards workers, while ILO research highlights concerns about work availability, earnings, work intensity and social protection among platform workers (Berg et al., 2018).
Digital hustle may also encourage extended working hours. Because digital platforms are accessible at almost any time, workers may feel pressure to remain available to customers and clients continuously. The smartphone can become a portable workplace, meaning that work does not necessarily end when a person leaves a conventional workplace. For freelancers and online vendors, responding to messages late at night, monitoring customer requests, posting content, searching for opportunities and competing for jobs can become part of everyday life.
Another important dimension is the role of social media in shaping perceptions of success. Social-media platforms do not merely facilitate economic transactions; they also expose young people to representations of wealth, entrepreneurship and achievement. Successful entrepreneurs, influencers, content creators and online personalities may present highly visible lifestyles that encourage young people to perceive entrepreneurship and digital income generation as desirable pathways to social mobility. Consequently, digital hustle culture operates simultaneously at an economic and cultural level.
The phenomenon also raises questions about social inequality. Access to smartphones, reliable internet, electricity, digital skills, education, social networks and start-up capital is uneven. Not every young person has the same ability to participate effectively in the digital economy. Individuals with higher education, stronger digital competencies, better devices, stable electricity and access to social networks may enjoy advantages over those without these resources. Thus, digitalization may create opportunities while simultaneously reproducing existing inequalities.
The Nigerian context further complicates the issue because digital workers often operate within an economy characterized by infrastructural constraints and economic volatility. Internet costs, electricity challenges, currency fluctuations, taxation, platform charges and unstable purchasing power can affect the profitability of digital activities. The result is that digital hustle may simultaneously be a source of opportunity and a mechanism through which young people absorb economic risks that were previously carried by employers or institutions.
Recent Nigerian research increasingly demonstrates the importance of studying digital work empirically. Olorundare et al. (2022) identify both prospects and challenges associated with the gig economy in Nigeria, while more recent research on Lagos has examined the relationship between gig work and lifestyles among young adults. Oniku, Akpata and Abiodun (2024), for instance, studied 400 gig-working millennials across three Lagos local governments and examined how participation in the gig economy influenced lifestyle and purchasing behaviour. These studies indicate that digital work is not merely an employment issue; it is increasingly connected to consumption, identity and everyday life.
Nevertheless, there remains a need for sociological research that moves beyond examining digital entrepreneurship or gig work as isolated economic activities. The important question is how the emergence of digital hustle culture is transforming the overall livelihood strategies of urban youths. In other words, the concern is not simply whether young people use digital platforms to earn money, but how digital hustling affects the combination of occupations they pursue, the ways they organize their time, their aspirations, relationships, perceptions of work, financial practices and strategies for coping with uncertainty.
The present study therefore focuses on Digital Hustle Culture and the Transformation of Youth Livelihood Strategies in Urban Nigeria, using Yaba and Surulere in Lagos State as the study area. The study seeks to understand how young people are incorporating digital platforms and technologies into their livelihood portfolios, why they participate in digital hustling, the opportunities they derive from it, the challenges they encounter and the ways in which the phenomenon is changing traditional understandings of employment and economic survival.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
Youth livelihood insecurity remains an important socioeconomic challenge in Nigeria. Although official unemployment statistics have changed substantially following revisions to labour-force measurement, employment insecurity, informality, self-employment and the difficulty of obtaining stable and decent work remain significant concerns. The ILO has identified persistent difficulties in Nigeria’s youth labour market and school-to-work transition, while the NBS continues to document the importance of self-employment and informal economic activity within the Nigerian labour market (O’Higgins et al., 2024; NBS, 2024).
For many urban youths, therefore, the traditional pathway from school to a stable salaried job is no longer the only or necessarily the most realistic livelihood strategy. Young people increasingly combine different forms of employment and entrepreneurship. A graduate may work part-time for an organization while selling products online, managing social-media accounts, designing graphics, offering freelance services or participating in ride-hailing and delivery services. Students may simultaneously undertake online businesses, content creation, tutoring and other income-generating activities. These developments suggest that the conventional distinction between “employed” and “unemployed” may not adequately describe the livelihood realities of contemporary urban youth.
The problem becomes more complex with the emergence of what may be described as digital hustle culture. Digital technologies have made it possible for young people to search for opportunities continuously. Social media can be used to advertise goods and services; digital platforms can connect workers with clients; online marketplaces can extend the geographical reach of small businesses; and digital payment systems can facilitate transactions. Consequently, the internet has become not only a communication environment but also a space of economic activity.
Yet the increasing popularity of digital hustling raises an important sociological question: Is digital hustle transforming youth livelihoods through genuine economic empowerment, or is it primarily providing new mechanisms for coping with economic insecurity? The answer cannot be assumed. Digital entrepreneurship may generate income and independence for some young people, while others may participate because conventional employment opportunities are limited. For such individuals, multiple hustles may represent necessity rather than entrepreneurial choice.
A further problem concerns the quality and sustainability of income generated through digital activities. Digital work can be flexible, but flexibility does not necessarily mean stability. Platform workers may experience fluctuating demand, unpredictable earnings, competition from workers in other locations, platform commissions, customer-rating pressures and limited access to social protection. The ILO’s research on digital labour platforms demonstrates that the growth of platform work brings both opportunities and significant challenges relating to earnings, work intensity, social protection and working conditions (Berg et al., 2018).
The absence of stable employment can also encourage young people to work longer hours. Because digital hustles may operate outside conventional working schedules, a youth may combine daytime employment with evening online business activities and weekend gigs. This can create a culture of constant productivity in which individuals feel compelled to monetize available time. Leisure, social interaction and even personal skills may increasingly be evaluated in terms of their potential economic value.
Another problem is the influence of social media on youth aspirations. Digital platforms provide constant exposure to images of entrepreneurship, luxury, financial success and rapid wealth creation. This can encourage young people to pursue digital hustles as pathways to social mobility. However, highly visible success stories may conceal the uncertainty, failure, debt, long working hours and unequal access to opportunities that characterize many entrepreneurial experiences. The cultural expectation to “hustle” may therefore place psychological and social pressure on young people to demonstrate economic achievement.
The problem is further complicated by the fact that digital hustle culture can blur the distinction between legitimate entrepreneurship and precarious economic survival. A young person who sells products online may describe himself or herself as an entrepreneur, while another may view the same activity as a temporary survival strategy. Similarly, a freelancer may consider online work a career, while another may participate only until conventional employment is secured. These different meanings have implications for how young people understand their identities, futures and social positions.
There is also an important inequality dimension. Participation in the digital economy requires resources that are unevenly distributed. Reliable smartphones or computers, internet access, electricity, digital literacy, educational qualifications, professional networks and financial capital can determine who is able to benefit from digital opportunities. Consequently, digital hustle culture may reproduce socioeconomic inequalities even while presenting itself as an open and accessible pathway to success.
In Lagos, these questions are particularly significant. Lagos is a highly commercialized and densely populated urban environment where formal employment, informal economic activities, entrepreneurship and digital work exist alongside one another. Yaba’s technology and educational ecosystem and Surulere’s mixture of residential, commercial, creative and informal activities provide contrasting environments for examining how digital practices become incorporated into everyday livelihoods.
Although existing studies have examined the Nigerian gig economy, digital entrepreneurship and informal employment, there is still limited sociological understanding of how digital hustle culture is transforming the broader livelihood strategies of urban youth, particularly at the neighbourhood level. Existing research may identify digital entrepreneurship as a means of employment creation or examine the conditions of platform workers, but less attention has been given to the cultural meanings attached to constant hustling and how digital activities are combined with conventional occupations, informal work and other livelihood strategies.
This study therefore addresses the problem by examining how digital hustle culture is influencing the livelihood strategies of young people in Yaba and Surulere. It investigates whether digital hustling represents a pathway towards economic independence, an extension of informal survival strategies, a form of labour-market adaptation, or a combination of these processes. It also examines the benefits, risks and social implications of the phenomenon.
1.3 Aim of the Study
The main aim of this study is to examine the influence of digital hustle culture on the transformation of youth livelihood strategies in urban Nigeria, with particular reference to Yaba and Surulere in Lagos State.
1.4 Objectives of the Study
The specific objectives are to:
- examine the extent to which youths in Yaba and Surulere participate in digital hustle activities;
- identify the major forms of digital hustle activities undertaken by youths in the study areas;
- examine the factors motivating youths to adopt digital hustle as part of their livelihood strategies;
- assess the influence of digital hustle culture on the livelihood diversification strategies of youths in Yaba and Surulere;
1.5 Research Questions
The study will be guided by the following research questions:
- To what extent do youths in Yaba and Surulere participate in digital hustle activities?
- What are the major forms of digital hustle activities undertaken by youths in the study areas?
- What factors motivate youths to adopt digital hustle as part of their livelihood strategies?
- How does digital hustle culture influence the livelihood diversification strategies of youths in Yaba and Surulere?
1.6 Research Hypothesis
The following null hypothesis will be tested in the study:
H₀: There is no significant relationship between participation in digital hustle activities and the livelihood diversification strategies of youths in Yaba and Surulere, Lagos State.
1.7 Significance of the Study
This study will be significant to several groups.
Youths
The study will provide young people with a better understanding of the opportunities and limitations associated with digital hustle culture. By identifying different livelihood strategies and the challenges associated with them, the research may help youths make more informed decisions about digital entrepreneurship, gig work and livelihood diversification.
Government and Policymakers
The findings will be useful to policymakers responsible for youth employment, digital economy development, entrepreneurship and social protection. Understanding the realities of digital hustlers can help policymakers design interventions that move beyond conventional employment programmes and recognize emerging forms of digital work.
Labour and Employment Institutions
Organizations concerned with labour policy will benefit from evidence concerning the changing nature of youth employment. The findings may contribute to debates about how self-employed, freelance and platform workers can be incorporated into appropriate labour and social-protection frameworks.
Educational Institutions
Universities, polytechnics and other educational institutions may use the findings to reconsider how young people are prepared for contemporary labour markets. The study may support greater emphasis on digital literacy, entrepreneurship, financial literacy and practical employability skills.
Entrepreneurs and Digital Businesses
Small-business owners and digital entrepreneurs may benefit from understanding how young consumers and workers use digital platforms. The study may provide insights into the motivations and behaviours of young people within Lagos’s changing digital economy.
Researchers and Scholars
The study will contribute to sociological literature on youth, work, informal economies, digitalization and livelihood strategies. It will also provide a basis for further research into platform work, digital entrepreneurship, online labour and changing youth cultures in Nigeria.
Lagos State and Urban Development Stakeholders
The study may assist urban policymakers in understanding how digital work interacts with existing commercial and residential environments. Such knowledge can inform policies relating to digital infrastructure, entrepreneurship hubs, youth development and inclusive urban economic development.
1.8 Scope of the Study
The study focuses on digital hustle culture and the transformation of youth livelihood strategies in urban Nigeria, using Yaba and Surulere in Lagos State as the specific study locations.
Geographically, the study is restricted to selected communities and neighbourhoods within Yaba and Surulere. The choice of these areas is based on their distinctive urban characteristics and the presence of young people engaged in formal employment, informal economic activities, entrepreneurship and digitally mediated work.
The study will focus on youths who engage in one or more forms of digital or digitally assisted economic activity. These may include online selling, freelancing, social-media management, content creation, digital marketing, ride-hailing, delivery services, online tutoring, graphic design, programming, photography, digital consulting and related activities.
Conceptually, the study focuses on four major areas: participation in digital hustle activities; motivations for digital hustling; effects on livelihood diversification; and challenges associated with digital hustle culture.
The study does not attempt to examine every aspect of Nigeria’s digital economy. It is specifically concerned with the ways in which digital economic practices are incorporated into the everyday livelihood strategies and social experiences of urban youths.
1.9 Delimitation of the Study
The study is delimited to youths residing, working, studying or conducting significant economic activities within Yaba and Surulere. It does not attempt to generalize automatically to all Nigerian youths because livelihood conditions differ substantially between urban and rural areas and between different regions of Nigeria.
The study also concentrates on income-generating digital activities rather than purely recreational use of social media. Social-media use will be considered where it contributes directly or indirectly to livelihood generation, networking, marketing, branding or employment.
1.10 Operational Definition of Terms
Digital Hustle
Digital hustle refers to income-generating activities that depend substantially on digital technologies, online platforms, social media, internet connectivity or digital networks. It includes activities such as online selling, freelancing, digital marketing, content creation and platform-based services.
Digital Hustle Culture
Digital hustle culture refers to a social orientation in which individuals, particularly youths, perceive continuous engagement in income-generating activities through digital technologies as an important pathway to survival, success, independence and social mobility.
Youth
For the purpose of this study, youth refers to young persons within the age range adopted by the research methodology, particularly individuals who are economically active or preparing to participate in the labour market.
Livelihood
Livelihood refers to the capabilities, activities, assets and strategies through which individuals secure income and sustain their everyday existence. In this study, livelihood includes employment, self-employment, entrepreneurship, informal work, digital work and other income-generating activities.
Livelihood Strategies
Livelihood strategies refer to the combinations of activities and resources that individuals employ to generate income, meet basic needs, manage economic risks and improve their socioeconomic conditions.
Digital Labour
Digital labour refers to work that is organized, facilitated, marketed, delivered or compensated through digital technologies and internet-based systems.
Gig Work
Gig work refers to short-term, task-based or project-based work in which individuals are paid for specific assignments or services rather than being employed through conventional long-term employment relationships. Digital platforms may facilitate such work.
Digital Entrepreneurship
Digital entrepreneurship refers to entrepreneurial activity in which digital technologies, platforms, networks or online markets are central to the creation, marketing, delivery or expansion of products and services.
Youth Livelihood Diversification
Youth livelihood diversification refers to the process through which young people combine different economic activities and income sources in order to improve earnings, reduce economic vulnerability or cope with uncertainty.
Urban Youth
Urban youth refers to young people living, studying, working or conducting economic activities within an urban environment. In this study, the term specifically refers to youths associated with Yaba and Surulere in Lagos State.
Informal Economy
The informal economy refers to economic activities and forms of employment that are not fully regulated, protected or recognized within formal institutional arrangements. Such activities may include self-employment, small-scale trading, casual work and other livelihood activities.
Platform Work
Platform work refers to labour that is organized or mediated through digital platforms which connect workers with clients, customers or employers. It may be performed online or in physical locations following digital coordination.
1.11 Organization of the Study
The study will be organized into five chapters. Chapter One presents the introduction, background to the study, statement of the problem, aim and objectives, research questions, hypothesis, significance, scope, delimitation and operational definitions of terms.
Chapter Two will review relevant theoretical and empirical literature on digitalization, youth livelihoods, informal employment, gig work, digital entrepreneurship, hustle culture and urban labour markets. It will also present the theoretical framework guiding the study.
Chapter Three will describe the research methodology, including the research design, study area, population, sample size, sampling procedure, research instrument, validity and reliability, methods of data collection and techniques for data analysis.
Chapter Four will present and analyze the data collected from respondents in Yaba and Surulere. The findings will be presented in relation to the research questions and hypothesis.
Chapter Five will provide the summary of findings, conclusion and recommendations, as well as suggestions for further research.
Project – Digital Hustle Culture and the Transformation of Youth Livelihood Strategies in Urban Nigeria. A Study of Yaba and Surulere, Lagos State
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